GOD In The Declaration of Independence The Exceptional, Judaic-Christian Society
One Nation Under GOD,
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Often called (editions-mine)
Fellow Countrymen: At this second appearing to take the
oath of the presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended
address than there was at the first. Then a statement, somewhat in
detail, of a course to be pursued, seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years,
during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on
every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the
attention, and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new
could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which
all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself;
and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With
high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured. On the occasion corresponding to this
four years ago, all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending
civil-war. All dreaded it -- all sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being
delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union
without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it
without war -- seeking to dissolve the Union, and divide effects, by
negotiation. Both parties deprecated war; but one
of them would make war rather than let the nation survive; and the other
would accept war rather than let it perish. And the war came.
One eighth of the whole population were
colored slaves, not distributed generally over the
These slaves constituted a peculiar and
powerful interest.
All knew that this interest was,
somehow, the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend
this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the
Union, even by war; while the Government claimed no right to do more
than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war,
the magnitude, or the duration, which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of
the conflict might cease with, or even before, the conflict itself
should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph,
and a result less fundamental and astounding.
Both read the same Bible, and pray to
the same God; and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men
should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from
the sweat of other men's faces; but let us judge not that we be not
judged. The prayers of both could not be
answered; that of neither has been answered fully.
The Almighty has His own purposes. "Woe
unto the world because of offenses! for it must needs be that offenses
come; but woe to that man by whom the offense cometh!"
If we shall suppose that
American
Slavery is one of those offenses
which, in the providence of God,
must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time,
He now wills to remove, and
that
He gives to both North and
South, this terrible war, as the
woe due to those
by whom the offense
came, shall we discern
therein any departure from those divine attributes which
the believers in a Living God
always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope -- fervently do we
pray -- that this mighty scourge
of war may speedily pass away.
Yet, if God wills that it continue,
until all the wealth piled by the bond-man's two hundred and fifty years
of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn
with the lash, shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was
said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said
"the judgments
of the Lord, are true and righteous altogether." With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan -- to do all which may achieve and cherish a just, and a lasting peace, among ourselves, and with all nations. |
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